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"reason for what?" he said, "you see, i'm a stenotypist, and i type everything that is said here. now, when the other fellas talk, i type what they say, but i don't understand what they're saying. but every time you get up to ask a question or to say something, i understand exactly what you mean--what the question is, and what you're sayin g--so i thought you can't be a professor!" there was a special dinner at some point, and the head of the theology place, a very nice, very jewish man, gave a speech. it was a good speech, and he was a very good speaker, so while it sounds crazy now, when i'm telling about it, at that time his main idea sounded completely obvious and true. he talked about the big differences in the welfare of various countries, which cause jealousy, which leads to conflict, and now that we have atomic weapons, any war and we're doomed, so therefore the right way out is to strive for peace by making sure there are no great differences from place to place, and since we have so much in the united states, we should give up nearly everything to the other countries until we're all even. everybody was listening to this, and we were all full of sacrificial feeling, and all thinking we ought to do this. but i came back to my senses on the way home. the next day one of the guys in our group said, "i think that speech last night was so good that we should all endorse it, and it should be the summary of our conference." i started to say that the idea of distributing everything evenly is based on a theory that there's only x amount of stuff in the world, that somehow we took it away from the poorer countries in the first place, and therefore we should give it back to them. but this theory doesn't take into account the real reason for the differences between countries--that is, the development of new techniques for growing food, the development of machinery to grow food and to do other things, and the fact that all this machinery requires the concentration of capital. it isn't the stuff, but the power to make the stuff, that is important. but i realize now that these people were not in science; they didn't understand it. they didn't understand technology; they didn't understand their time. the conference made me so nervous that a girl i knew in new york had to calm me down. "look, " she said, "you're shaking! you've gone absolutely nuts! just t ake it easy, and don't take it so seriously. back away a minute and look at what it is." so i thought about the conference, how crazy it was, and it wasn't so bad. but if someone were to ask me to participate in something like that again, i'd shy away from it like mad--i mean zero! no! absolutely not! and i still get invitations for this kind of thing today. when it came time to evaluate the conference at the end, the others told how much they got out of it, how successful it was, and so on. when they asked me, i said, "this conference was worse than a rorschach test: there's a meaningless inkblot, and the others ask you what you think you see, but when you tell them, they start arguing with you! even worse, at the end of the conference they were going to have another meeting, but this time the public would come, and the guy in charge of our group has the nerve to say that since we've worked out so much, there won't be any time for public discussion, so we'll just tell the public all the things we've worked out. my eyes bugged out: i didn't think we had worked out a damn thing! finally, when we were discussing the question of whether we had developed a way of having a dialogue among people of different disciplines-our second basic "problem"--i said that i noticed something interesting. each of us talked about what we thought the "ethics of equality" was, from our own point of view, without paying any attention to the other guy's point of view. for example, the historian proposed that the way to understand ethical problems is to look historically at how they evolved and how they developed; the international lawyer suggested that the way to do it see how in fact people actually act in different situations and make their arrangements; the jesuit priest was always referring to "the fragmentation of knowledge"; and i, as a scientist, proposed that we should isolate the problem in a way analogous to galileo's techniques for experiments; and so on. "so, in my opin ion, " i said, "we had no dialogue at all. instead, we had nothing but chaos!" of course i was attacked, from all around. "don't you think that order can come from chaos?" "uh, well, as a general principle, or . didn't understand what to do with a question like "can order come from chaos?" yes, no, what of it? there were a lot of fools at that conference--pompous fools--and pompous fools drive me up the wall. ordinary fools are all right; you can talk to them, and try to help them out. but pompous fools--guys who are fools and are covering it all over and impressing people as to how wonderful they are with all this hocus pocus--that, i cannot stand! an ordinary fool isn't a faker; an honest fool is all right. but a dishonest fool is terrible! and that's what i got at the conference, a bunch of pompous fools, and i got very upset. i'm not going to get upset like that again, so i won't participate in interdisciplinary conferences any more. a footnote: while i was at the conference, i stayed at the jewish theological seminary, where young rabbis--i think they were orthodox--were studying. since i have a jewish background, i knew of some of the things they told me about the talmud, but i had never seen the talmud. it was very interesting. it's got big pages, and in a little square in the corner of the page is the original talmud, and then in a sort of l-shaped margin, all around this square, are commentaries written by different people. the talmud has evolved, and everything has been discussed again and again, all very carefully, in a medieval kind of reasoning. i think the commentaries were shut down around the thirteen- or fourteen- or fifteen-hundreds--there hasn't been any modern commentary. the talmud is a wonderful book, a great, big potpourri of things: trivial questions, and difficult questions--for example, problems of teachers, and how to teach--and then some trivia again, and so on. the students told me that the talmud was never translated, something i thought was curious, since the book is so valuable, one day, two or three of the young rabbis came to me and said, "we realize that we can't study to be rabbis in the modern world without knowing something about science, so we'd like to ask you some questions." of course there are thousands of places to find out about science, and columbia university was right near there, but i wanted to know what kinds of questions they were interested in. they said, "well, for instance, is electricity fire? and free poker.

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Particular organizations or causes embody a singular truth around which all other political subjectivity must orbit. in the sectarian mind, other movements and even populations that do not share a particular strategic orientation can be sacrificed, infiltrated, manipulated, or ignored. while the microsects of the marxist left are the most common examples, there is also a softer sectarianism floating around in the left that is no less damaging. a case in point here might be the "hard" wing of the green party. for these folks, the growth and success of the party becomes an end in itself, no matter the consequences on the ground for our communities or the environment. charges of "vote splitting" are responded to with venom and no small amount of arrogance. it is argued that sending a "clear message" to whom is unclear ; will ultimately do more good for the world than keeping reactionaries out of office. if minimalists believe that it is always more important to win, the sectarian believes that it is always most important to fly the flag. it may be true that it is sometimes better to lose a given election than to compromise certain values, but such a tactic should not be entertained lightly. personally, i don't believe that it is ever a good idea at the state or national level. the stakes are simply too high. instead, we should view elections as only one part of our work--balancing the viability of a given electoral campaign or candidate with a long-term vision for moving the country and the world ; in a progressive direction. outside of electoral organizing, we should focus on the big picture, on shifting debate and bringing new issues to the fold. this can be done in part through political parties and election campaigns, but every election should not be seen as a referendum on our most long-term and big-picture ideals. elections as well as union contract fights ; are finite things, struggles for power, even if they do have long-term consequences. we should be running candidates who are solidly progressive and who don't accept conservative frameworks of ideas, but we should also be running candidates to win. sometimes both are not possible. this is not to say that it is a bad to thing to build organizations. it is fine to jealously build our institutions, but this should never be done at the expense of a broader left majority. in my student activist days, i often encountered organizations often communist or anarchist groups ; that simply could not "play well with others" and that viewed all coalition work as primarily an opportunity to build their own group. on a national-electoral level, this describes much of the green party's strategy, the worst of which was seen in ralph nader's famous dictum that even good democrats should be beaten with green votes. this uses the most vulnerable sectors of our society.

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